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What Are The Minsk Agreements

On March 2, 2016, michael Carpenter, head of the U.S. Department of Defense, said that at least 430 Ukrainian soldiers had died since the signing of Minsk II, that Russia had “command and control ties” on the DPR and LPR, and that Russia was dumping “heavy weapons” into the Donbass. [63] The deputy head of the OSCE mission in Ukraine Alexander Hug said on 25 March 2016 that from the beginning of the conflict, the OSCE had observed “armed persons with Russian insignia” in the Donbass in combat, that they had spoken to prisoners who said they were Russian soldiers and that they had “seen traces of tires , not the vehicles themselves, but the tracks of vehicles crossing the Russian border.” [64] Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said on 27 March 2016 that Russia “is not a party to the Minsk agreements” and that the agreements are “two opposing sides.” [65] However, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe states that the Minsk Protocol also includes the release of hostages who have been abducted from Ukrainian territory and are being held illegally in Russia. B as Nadia Savchenko and Oleg Sentsov. [66] “These agreements, more often mentioned than tested, are problematic.” In a sign of the decline in the credibility of the agreements, one of the original authors withdraws from his performance. Much of what ultimately emerged from the Minsk agreements came from Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko`s June 2014 peace plan, on which he campaigned and won elections, at a time when peace was still popular and was not yet seen as an additional instrument for Moscow to destabilize Kiev. But now Poroshenko is publicly distancing himself from the agreements. In 2018, he reassured the nationalists by saying: “There is no Minsk… Only in Normandy. In early 2019, Poroshenko again publicly sided with the ultranationalists, agreeing that donbass should never be given special constitutional status, even though he had spent four years renewing that status in Parliament. Moreover, the special status as defined in Minsk-2 – not to mention Russia`s even more extreme demands in May 2015 – is simply not feasible. It far exceeds what most Ukrainians consider an acceptable price for peace, as polls have repeatedly shown.65 Any Ukrainian leader, who even seemed open to these ideas, would probably commit political suicide. When Poroshenko presented a permanent bill amending the Constitution to the Rada on 31 August 2015, riots in Kiev led to the deaths of four prison officers; 66 Poroshenko`s successor, President Vollodymyr Zelenskyy, who has placed the end of the war at the centre of his election campaign in 2019, has also had to be cautious.

It proposes that the Reintegration Donbass be included in the national decentralisation programme launched in 2014.67 Under a decentralisation bill presented to the Rada in December 2019, DNR and NRL would not benefit from the powers enumerated in Minsk-2; Nor would they get a constitutional “special status.” 68 This is unacceptable to Russia. The Minsk agreements are currently the most important instrument for a lasting settlement in the occupied regions of eastern Ukraine. Moscow and Kiev, however, are not enthusiastic about implementing the package of measures that this entails. If that does not change by the summer, the European Union would be ill-advised to lift or relax its economic sanctions against Russia.